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阅读RC-10013 (第1/4题)

After the Second World War, unionism in the Japanese auto industry was company-based, with separate unions in each auto company. Most company unions played no independent role in bargaining shop-floor issues or pressing autoworkers' grievances. In a 1981 survey, for example, fewer than 1 percent of workers said they sought union assistance for work-related problems, while 43 percent said they turned to management instead. There was little to distinguish the two in any case: most union officers were foremen or middle-level managers, and the union's role was primarily one of passive support for company goals. Conflict occasionally disrupted this cooperative relationship--one company union's opposition to the productivity campaigns of the early 1980s has been cited as such a case. In 1986, however, a caucus led by the Foreman's Association forced the union's leadership out of office and returned the union's policy to one of passive cooperation. In the United States, the potential for such company unionism grew after 1979, but it had difficulty taking hold in the auto industry, where a single union represented workers from all companies, particularly since federal law prohibited foremen from joining or leading industrial unions.

The Japanese model was often invoked as one in which authority decentralized to the shop floor empowered production workers to make key decisions. What these claims failed to recognize was that the actual delegation of authority was to the foreman, not the workers. The foreman exercised discretion over job assignments, training, transfers, and promotions; worker initiative was limited to suggestions that fine-tuned a management-controlled production process. Rather than being proactive, Japanese workers were forced to be reactive, the range of their responsibilities being far wider than their span of control. For example, the founder of one production system, Taichi Ohno, routinely gave department managers only 90 percent of the resources needed for production. As soon as workers could meet production goals without working overtime, 10 percent of remaining resources would be removed. Because the "OH! NO!" system continually pushed the production process to the verge of breakdown in an effort to find the minimum resource requirement, critics described it as "management by stress."

According to the passage, a foreman in a United States auto company differed from a foreman in a Japanese auto company in that the foreman in the United States would

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网友解析
当前版本由 lgw18971372255 更新于2015-11-09 10:42:05感谢由 lgw18971372255 对此题目的解答所做出的贡献。

定位在第一段。找到日本领班能做美国领班不能做的就是答案。注意到文章的最后半句话,“particularly since federal law prohibited foremen from joining or leading industrial unions.”证明美国领班是不能参加或者领导工会的。而“There was little to distinguish the two in any case: most union officers were foremen or middle-level managers”证明日本领班是可以参加并领导工会的。

(A)Correct. 不能成为自动工业工会的成员。
(B)不太可能支持公司的管理目标。定位在“and the union's role was primarily one of passive support for company goals”。是整个工会可能消极的支持,而不是领班个人。而且美国也没有提到这点。
(C)可以在大程度上控制生产过程。文中提到领班可不可以大程度上控制生产过程是在第二段。与第一段的内容没有关系。
(D)经历更大的压力。文中最后一段可以认为说明了日本工人们受到很大的压力,没有提到领班受到很大的压力。
(E)经历更少的与工人的冲突。文中没有提到领班和工人冲突的问题。


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    用户lgw1482911452发表于2017-01-09 13:03:58
    ————观点:二战后,工会在日本汽车业是以企业为基础的,在每个汽车企业都有几个分开的联合会。大多数企业工会在为工人争取福利方面都没有起到独立的作用。 ————观点举例:例如1981年一个调查显示工人找工会,其实就是在找工长或者管理者。而且工会也处于一个被动支持公司发展的地位。 ————有一点变化:冲突经常打乱这种合作关系。比如一个案例被引用:1980年代一个公司工会对生产力运动的反对。 ————变化被打回原形:然而在1986年,一个由工头联会领导的caucus逼着工会领导层退出办公室,使工会的政策重新回到一种被动合作的状态。 ————美国的类似却不同情况:在美国,这种工会公司的潜力在1979年之后有所上升,但是在控制汽车行业方面还是有困难。汽车行业中一个工会代表公司的所有工人,特别是在联邦法律禁止工头加入或领导工会之后。 ——————一种观点:日本的模式通常被称作权利分散到了工作场所,使生产工人能够做主要的决策。 ————批驳这个观点:但是这个说法忽视了权威委托到谁还是又工头决定,而不是工人。工头锻炼工作分配,培训,调遣和升职的判断力;工人的主动权被管理者控制的生产过程限制了。不是更加积极主动,日本工人被逼地被动行动,他们职责的范围也比他们控制的范围更宽泛了。 ————举例说明:例如:创立一个生产系统的TO通常只给部门管理90%的生产所需资源。只要工人能够不超时地达到生产目标,10%的剩余资源就会被移除。因为这个OH NO系统持续促进生产程序(为找到最少的资源所需),批评者将之称为压力管理。
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